Macron faces crushing defeat in local elections

French president’s centrist party loses out to mainstream left-wing and right-wing opponents.

Macron faces crushing defeat in local elections

PARIS — Mainstream left-wing and right-wing parties surged ahead in French regional elections Sunday, outpacing both Emmanuel Macron’s La République en Marche and Marine Le Pen’s National Rally.

Nationwide, left-wing parties obtained 34 percent of the vote, compared to 29 percent of the vote for the right and 19 percent for far-right National Rally. La République en Marche, sometimes allied with other centrists or conservatives, obtained around 11 percent of the vote, and in some regions Macron’s candidates failed to make it across the threshold to run in the second round, the poll said.

It indicates voters have largely chosen to support the outgoing presidents of regional councils, who are mostly from the mainstream left and the right.

Ten months out from the 2022 French presidential election, the regional elections are seen as important bellwethers for the national mood as the country emerges from over a year in and out of coronavirus lockdowns.

In the northern region of Hauts-de-France, the conservative and presidential hopeful Xavier Bertrand obtained 41,39 percent of the votes, compared to 24,37 percent for the National Rally.

FRANCE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION POLL OF POLLS



For more polling data from across Europe visit Poll of Polls.

In a statement Sunday evening, Bertrand declared triumphantly that he had “broken the jaws” of the National Rally.

The candidates for La République en Marche (LREM) got just over 9 percent of the vote, under the 10 percent threshold to have a chance to run in the second round. That signals a humiliating defeat for Macron, who dispatched five ministers to run in the region in an attempt to boost results.

If confirmed by the final tally, Sunday’s results will also be a disappointment for supporters of the far right’s National Rally. Le Pen was hoping to take at least one regional council — a victory that would lend her party much-needed credibility.

The race in the southern region of Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur, where Le Pen was hoping for a clear win, appears tighter than expected. National Rally’s candidate, Thierry Mariani, obtained 36,38 percent of the vote. This puts the far right candidate ahead of the rightwing candidate Renaud Muselier, who is also backed by the LREM, at 31,91 percent.

The regional elections are taking place over two rounds, with candidates getting more than 10 percent of the votes facing off in a run-off round to be held June 27.

Following Sunday’s first-round vote, parties have until Tuesday morning to build alliances and register their lists of candidates for the second round.

In 2015, the left obtained 36 percent of the vote, ahead of the conservatives with 32 percent of the vote and the then-National Front at 27 percent of the vote. La République en Marche had not yet been created.

UPDATE: This article was updated with final election results.

Source : Politico EU More   

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Doubts rise over Australia’s offshore handling of refugees

A court ruling calls into question a system that European immigration hawks have held up as a model.

Doubts rise over Australia’s offshore handling of refugees

Keely Sullivan is a freelance journalist.

European conservatives’ go-to model for ending illegal immigration doesn’t look so solid anymore. For the first time in decades, a court in Australia has freed an inmate from the Pacific nation’s zero-tolerance immigrant detention system, calling into question the legal foundation of how it handles asylum seekers.

European migration hawks have long eyed Australia’s approach — because it worked. Though decried by human rights advocates, the system’s supporters note that Australia has had next to no illegal sea arrivals since 2013. Instead, migrants intercepted at sea have often been diverted to processing camps on the Pacific islands of Manus and Nauru, stranding them there with no guarantee of release.

A lawsuit filed by Ahmed Mahmoud, a 29-year-old Syrian national, calls that system into question. A former legal resident of Australia who had lost his visa after an assault conviction in 2011, Mahmoud was freed from the system after nearly six years, after a court ruled that his long-term detention was illegal. He had bounced between 11 different detention centers including Christmas Island, halfway between Australia and Indonesia in the Indian Ocean.

Opponents of Australia’s system say Mahmoud’s case — AJL20 vs. Commonwealth of Australia — sets a precedent with important implications for how long Australia can keep asylum seekers in detention.

“Any time that the court expresses limitations on the government’s power to detain people is so important,” said David Burke, legal director for Human Rights Law Centre. The case, he added, “was effectively a clarification of the limits of when the government can do that.” The case was decided in September. The Australian government is currently appealing the ruling.

The ruling is restricted to Australia, but critics of the country’s immigration policy say they hope it will cause Europeans looking to the country to reconsider.

The idea of stopping immigration by outsourcing responsibility to other countries has been gathering steam on the Continent. In a December 2016 interview with POLITICO, Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz — then foreign minister — endorsed the Australian approach and called for the EU to impose a similar system. In the U.K., Home Secretary Priti Patel has also advocated for an Australia-style system that included offshoring illegal refugee arrivals to Britain.

And in 2018, citing the ongoing migrant boat traffic in the Mediterranean, the EU’s General Secretariat of the Council urged the European Council and Commission to study the feasibility of an offshore model similar to Australia’s.

The country that has taken the most practical steps so far to set up such a system is Denmark, where Immigration Minister Mattias Tesfaye signed an agreement with the Rwandan government widely-viewed as the first step toward opening an overseas asylum processing center there, 9,000 kilometers from European shores.

But while the system appeals to politicians hoping to look tough on migration, human rights advocates say it takes an unacceptable toll on those caught in the system.

Amnesty International has called Australia’s system a “deliberate abuse of cruelty” and a “nightmare” for asylum seekers, who have alleged physical abuse, sexual assault and insufficient medical care. “Harsh detention policies have some populist appeal, particularly around election time,” said Graham Thom, a refugee advocate with Amnesty International Australia.

A 2018 UNHCR finding noted a pervasive sense of “helplessness and hopelessness” among asylum seekers and refugees on Manus Island, citing declining mental health, insufficient assistance with bureaucracy, rough living conditions and uncertainty.

Copying Australia would be difficult in Europe, said Lina Vosyliute, a research fellow at Brussels-based Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS). Where Australian law is not always adhered to in offshore locations under the Australian system, EU laws and jurisdiction would be under an EU offshore system, including due process and human rights protections.

“Wherever EU money is going, EU values and obligations are following,” Vosyliute said.

The Australian offshore model currently offers no path to residency for refugees, who are instructed to settle permanently in a third nation, seek asylum elsewhere or return to their home country. If they can’t or won’t, they are left indefinitely in internment. The average length of detention in Australia has risen from four months to nearly two years since 2013.

“I have met people in detention who haven’t got a lawyer for half a decade,” said Alison Battisson, the lawyer representing Mahmoud. It’s unlikely such a system would be ruled legal under EU law.

Opponents of the Australian system say they will use the Mahmoud decision to slow momentum for offshoring in Europe. “This wonderful system that you’re trying to promote does have cracks in it,” said Judith Sunderland, associate director for Human Rights Watch’s Europe and Central Asia division. “We would certainly try to use it to shift the debate.”

The decision “would set the precedent for maybe Danish officials, who are thinking to do something like Australia did,” said Vosyliute. “This could be a good indication that it’s a no go for policymakers.”

Source : Politico EU More   

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